Kemi Badenoch 4.1
A pro-independence blog by James Kelly - one of Scotland's five most-read political blogs.
Saturday, December 7, 2024
Pandemonium in the bath as history-making Norstat poll shows massive Yes lead, with the SNP and the Greens on course to retain the PRO-INDEPENDENCE MAJORITY in the 2026 election
Kemi Badenoch 4.1
Friday, December 6, 2024
BREAKING: It's expulsion - the Alba Party leadership's hypocrisy laid bare as they do EXACTLY to me what they spent Wednesday lambasting the SNP for doing to Angus MacNeil - I have been nominally found guilty of 'secret' charges that I am not allowed to know about and that I frankly do not believe even exist - I will be appealing but I am clearly dealing with kangaroo courts
I was this evening informed by Corri Wilson that I have been expelled from the Alba Party. This, of course, is fully consistent with the boast Yvonne Ridley made several months ago (well before any official action was taken against me) that she had inside knowledge that the Alba leadership had already made a secret decision to expel me. That would imply that the so-called "disciplinary" process I've just been through was a complete sham from start to finish. Of course there's still no proof that Ridley was telling the truth, and the way things have unfolded since her boast may have just been an eerie coincidence. But I must say the process has felt very much like a sham, and I'll explain why.
I've said all along that if I was expelled, nobody in the Alba leadership or in the Disciplinary Committee would actually have a clue why they were expelling me, at least in the sense that they wouldn't be able to coherently explain what the 'official' explanation is. And so it has proved. The original 'disciplinary referral' that Chris McEleny wrote and then sent to both me and to the Disciplinary Committee was risible. He was clearly struggling badly - he and others in the leadership were angry at the persistent and public stand I had taken in favour of radical reform of the party constitution and he wanted to expel me, but he couldn't come up with plausible-sounding reasons, so instead he resorted to extreme vagueness.
His case against me was effectively split into three little parcels. The first parcel contained the closest thing there was to a specific allegation, which was that I had breached the confidentiality of meetings of the Constitution Review Group (of which I was a directly elected member), with a blogpost I had published on 21st April, entitled 'The case against a small political party treating its own members as the enemy'. However, this was a very problematical allegation, because as you can see if you follow the link, I clearly stated at the outset of that blogpost that I was bound by confidentiality rules and that I therefore wouldn't be discussing the work of the group. Nowhere in the blogpost did I make any statements whatsoever about what had been discussed at meetings of the group, or what decisions had been taken by the group.
So by definition Mr McEleny must have been alleging that I had revealed confidential information in some very indirect form. Now, you might assume that in order to establish I had done something as nebulous as that, Mr McEleny would first have to specify what that secret information was, and then he'd have to set out what evidence he had that the information existed in the first place and that it was covered by confidentiality rules - for example he would have to identify the presence of that information in documents or equivalent material relating to the group (such as the minutes of meetings), and then marry it up to what I had written in the blogpost.
Extraordinarily, he didn't even get past first base. I know this sounds unbelievable, but it's literally the case that throughout this process Mr McEleny has doggedly stuck to accusing me of disclosing confidential information while refusing to say what that confidential information was. His message has effectively been "this guy has done this, I'm not going to tell you how he's done it, just take my word for it and expel him". Even more astonishingly, that has proved to be enough for the Disciplinary Committee - or perhaps it's not so astonishing when you remember that in its current composition the committee is leadership-controlled and throughout this year has been a 100% reliable rubberstamp for Mr McEleny's wishes. I can attest to that fact personally - until my expulsion I was myself an elected member of the committee and I have sat through hearings that were utterly excruciating experiences because so much of what was said (and everything that was decided) had so obviously been scripted in advance.
A further logical problem, of course, is that if Mr McEleny is alleging that the blogpost breached confidentiality, by definition that must mean that the allegedly confidential information related in some way to the content of that blogpost, which narrows down the possibilities considerably. It's murderously hard to interpret this in any other way than the following: Mr McEleny must be suggesting that members of the Constitution Review Group were saying in private that rank-and-file members of the Alba Party couldn't be trusted because they might be "infiltrators", and that therefore information should be withheld from party members and they shouldn't be allowed to vote on important matters affecting the party. That was the main subject-matter of the blogpost, so what else can Mr McEleny possibly be getting at? Surely it's unthinkable that senior Alba figures would be saying such disrespectful things in private about the members of a "member-led party", and trying to disempower those members as much as possible? I believe there's a saying along the lines of "every accusation is a confession", and Mr McEleny might want to reflect on that at some length. For the record, I certainly did not allege in the blogpost that any member of the Constitution Review Group had privately made any such statement about party members. I was bound by confidentiality rules and I obeyed those rules.
The second parcel of Mr McEleny's case against me was that I had discussed party business in five specific blogposts after the leadership had removed me from my elected position on the Constitution Review Group - a decision that the leadership quite simply had no power to take under the current constitution. However, there is nothing whatever in Alba's Code of Conduct or in its social media policy that actually forbids public discussion of matters of internal party controversy, so that part of the case was a complete red herring. (That's where things get murky, though, because I was told at the hearing last night that Mr McEleny had replaced the original document with a much wider range of accusations covering nineteen blogposts - but I wasn't allowed to know what the new accusations were or which blogposts were being referred to!)
The third parcel was four little quotes from either the Code of Conduct or social media policy, with the implication that I was in breach of those specific parts, but without any explanation whatsoever of what I had done to breach them. Most outrageously of all, one of the quotes related to behaviour on social media that was either "abusive" or that "targeted individuals", but Mr McEleny did not supply even a single example of any such behaviour on my part. He did not come up with a single tweet, or a single Facebook post. Zilch. Nada. Nothing. Again, his message to the Disciplinary Committee was effectively "oooh, this guy has done awful things on social media, but I'm not going to tell you what I mean by that, just take my word for it and expel him". And the committee's reply was effectively "OK, chief!"
As you can probably imagine, this bizarre non-accusation posed considerable challenges for me in preparing my defence. How can you defend yourself against an accusation that only exists in Mr McEleny's head and that he refuses to tell anyone about? The approach I took was to look at tweets posted recently by leading members of the Alba Party, including by Mr McEleny himself, to try to gauge how the social media policy is actually being interpreted by the party in practice. These are some of the examples I came up with, the first of which I'm sure many people would argue is both misogynistic and lesbophobic:
Chris McEleny, 21st November 2024: "Define irony: Mhairi Black, who spent 10 years at Westminster with her snout in the Kit Kat trough"
Chris McEleny, 14th November 2024: "How creepy. Some wee social media weirdo at the Scottish Parliament actually zooms in on women's footwear to brief the press."
Shannon Donoghue, 19th May 2024: "No it's not wrong, and if I'm really honest, I'm sick of the wee victim act. I've seen Eva first hand at conferences with the wee gang. She was privy to info being on NEC that Grangemouth was a key seat for them. The only one lacking unity is her."
(Note: "Eva" is a reference to Eva Comrie, who was Alba's elected Equalities Convener just weeks before Ms Donoghue posted her tweet.)
Shannon Donoghue, 6th July 2024: "You, is the simple answer. You and the wee gangs attempt to tarnish the party. You do more damage to Indy than good. Disgraceful."
(Note: The above was a *direct reply* to Denise Findlay, Alba's former elected Organisation Convener.)
Shannon Donoghue, 6th July 2024: "James Kelly really tweeting about self-awareness. The gift that keeps on giving."
I defy anyone to look at my own track record on social media and conclude that it is not significantly better and more respectful than any of the examples above. That was exactly what I invited the Disciplinary Committee to do, and in the circumstances there wasn't much else I could do. But needless to say the committee have decided to ignore all of that and have instead upheld the allegations that only exist inside Mr McEleny's head and that he's too shy to tell anyone about. What a bashful lad he is, to be sure.
The case against me was effectively an optical illusion. It was presented like a proper disciplinary case in a proper Alba-branded document, but the more you looked at it, the more it crumbled away and you realised there was nothing of substance there. There were no specific allegations at all, just smoke and mirrors. I have literally been expelled from the Alba Party for nothing.
Or nothing if you believe the official version. There is of course a real reason, which is that I had strong views on the direction the party should take and I kept maddening the leadership by expressing those views in public. And that takes me back to some of the conversations I had with Alex Salmond on the phone in years gone past, because I can recall three specific occasions when he spontaneously raised the issue of freedom of speech. The first was when I mentioned concerns about Yvonne Ridley's notorious tweet suggesting that a vote for the SNP was a vote for Jimmy Savile. (Ridley at the time was Alba's Women's Convener.) He laughed it off and said something like "nobody can stop Yvonne saying whatever she wants to say" and added that she had a right to free speech anyway. My reaction was basically "OK, fine, as long as the same rule applies to everyone else too".
The second occasion was when he was reminiscing about Margo MacDonald (it was just a meandering conversation and he randomly ended up on the subject of Margo). He said he was absolutely appalled when John Swinney engineered her removal from the SNP and added that he would never have done that in a million years. He admitted he had angrily clashed with her but stressed that he held her in high personal regard and respected her right to hold alternative views.
The third occasion was in October 2022, when he phoned me up to offer commiserations after I was voted off Alba's National Executive Committee, which I had been an elected member of for the previous year. I had just written a blogpost saying that I suspected I had paid the price for expressing dissenting views about the party's direction. He said to me "James, it's fine to express minority opinions, I have no problem with that at all". He actually chuckled as he said that, as if the idea that anyone in Alba would ever be penalised for expressing their own views was the most ridiculous thing he could think of. The subtext seemed to be "that's the sort of thing that happens in the SNP, not here".
I believed those assurances when he gave them to me. I absolutely believed them. Let's be honest - I was completely wrong to believe those assurances. I have just been expelled from the Alba Party for expressing my own views, which is the absolute polar opposite of what Alex told me Alba was all about. I am not the first person this has happened to. All of those inspiring promises about Alba being a natural home for all independence supporters, where they could be themselves and express themselves freely, have proved to be utterly worthless.
Let me be clear that I do not believe that Alex Salmond himself was primarily responsible for Alba degrading into this weird, paranoid, sect-like, cult-like state in which free speech is ruthlessly cracked down upon and anyone who dissents is swiftly purged. However, the fact remains that it did happen on his watch, and that is something that puzzles many of us. It's been suggested to me that he was effectively a prisoner of certain other people in the leadership because they supply much of the party's funding, and that those people were insisting upon a much more authoritarian and disciplinarian approach than he ever took as SNP leader. (Remember that it's believed that only one person was expelled from the SNP in his whole twenty years as leader - and that was Bill Walker, who was convicted of decades of domestic violence. By contrast, I am at least the third person to have been expelled from Alba within the last few months, all for non-existent or downright daft reasons.)
In a way I consider myself fortunate that I know (or strongly suspect) that Alex Salmond must have signed off on my expulsion before he died, because at least that keeps me clear-sighted about the reality of the situation and prevents me from romanticising "Alba under Salmond" and kidding myself that the problems only kicked in after his death. In truth, the rot set in long ago.
I'm not going to lie - I feel personally let down and in some cases betrayed by people I was foolish enough to put my trust in. I won't name names but those people know who they are. There's one guy in particular who keeps taking bad and cruel decisions, and I can see in his eyes when he takes those decisions that he knows deep down that he's doing something wrong, but he just goes ahead and keeps doing it anyway. I suspect I know why he's chosen that path.
My first TV interview as a political blogger was on BBC Breakfast just two or three days before the independence referendum in 2014. I made a premeditated decision that my first words in that interview were going to be "Scotland is a country", because I hadn't heard anyone say that during the campaign and I wanted it to be said on TV at least once before people voted. It's just a total coincidence, of course, but Alex Salmond's final public words before his death were very similar: "Scotland is a country, not a county". Alba have since embraced those words as an unofficial motto. Well, let me propose another variation: "Alba members are people, not pawns". That is something the Alba leadership have yet to learn or accept. Effectively the party in its current state is a private club for a self-appointed elite consisting of a small number of closely-linked families and friends who decided to set up a miniature version of the SNP that they could run to suit themselves. Nobody has let the rest of the membership in on the secret that everyone outside that elite is utterly expendable, and will be treated as little more than vermin if they are not deemed useful enough. I have little doubt that a secondary reason for my expulsion is that I stood my ground on the Constitution Review Group against low-grade bullying attempts from two individuals in particular, who just happen to both be part of one of the families that form part of that elite group.
The Kafkaesque "disciplinary" process I have just been through has been so obviously tainted by galactic-level procedural unfairness that I would be letting myself and other people down badly if I didn't at least lodge an appeal and challenge the Appeals Committee to do the right thing and overturn not only my expulsion, but also the upholding of such a blatantly bogus complaint. I'm sure we can all guess what the outcome will be, but that appeal is damn well going to be lodged just the same.
In theory the appeals process is supposed to be very quick, so I also need to think about what I will do if the expulsion is left in place. There are three basic options -
1) Apply to rejoin the SNP, and try to make the case from within for the SNP to return to a genuine pro-independence path. (Note that I always use the word "apply" when I talk about this option - I'm not making any assumptions about whether my application would be accepted.)
2) Either stand myself as a "real independence but with actual integrity" candidate in the 2026 Scottish Parliament election (probably on the Central Scotland list, because that's where I live) or get behind other independent candidates standing on a similar platform.
3) Join an existing small pro-independence party (in all honesty I've searched and so far I can't find one that is really close enough to my own views, either in policy or strategic terms, but if there are any I might have missed please let me know).
I'm not going to do an Elon Musk and say I'll abide by whatever the majority tell me to do, but I'll certainly be interested in people's views, because in a rarity for me, I am genuinely unsure about what course of action to take if the expulsion stands.
A Sterling result for the SNP in a by-election in Stirling, near Tillicoultry
Thursday, December 5, 2024
In the immortal words of Captain Blackadder, "I love a fair trial"
And this was the scene during the hearing -
It's back to the 1920s as Labour revert to being the THIRD party of British politics, according to bombshell Find Out Now poll
I've basically got no time at all because I'm trying to get ready for my long-delayed tryst with a certain Alba Party committee this evening, so I'll just give you the basic numbers for now. They're pretty astonishing. It'll be hard for anyone ever again to charge Jeremy Corbyn with supposedly making Labour "unelectable" when Starmer has just taken his party to 23% and third place, opening up a non-trivial possibility of a soft-fascist party taking power in the UK before this decade is out.
GB-wide voting intentions (Find Out Now, 4th December 2024):
Wednesday, December 4, 2024
It's Disciplinary Eve here at Scot Goes Pop HQ - so I can't help but note the irony of the sudden emergence today of a new genre of Alba tweet, about how "expelling independence supporters from political parties is BAD"
Several months after the Alba leadership started targeting me, first by unconstitutionally removing me from my directly elected position on a working group that was (ironically) reviewing the party constitution, and then by arbitrarily suspending my party membership altogether, I will finally, at long last, face an actual "disciplinary" hearing tomorrow night. Yvonne Ridley boasted that she had inside knowledge that it had been long since pre-decided that I will be expelled from the party outright - I've no idea if that's true, but I will very shortly find out, and I must say that based on what I've witnessed as an elected member of the Disciplinary Committee in recent months, I don't find the idea inherently implausible.
Given the irony of the timing, I couldn't help but be thoroughly bemused by the sudden emergence today of a new genre of tweet from leading Alba figures, which essentially amounts to "expelling independence supporters from political parties is BAD". An attitude I thoroughly approve of, if it's actually put into practice and means something.
Neale Hanvey: "Expelled for demanding *checks notes* action on independence.
Independence is the @AlbaParty priority.
@AngusBMacNeil will fit right in."
Suzanne Blackley: "Expelled for putting Independence front and centre.
No one should doubt his commitment to the cause and having people like Angus in Holyrood will actually see us make some progress!"
Yes, of course a pro-independence majority in 2026 is still perfectly possible
I'm indebted to my Somerset-based stalker for posting a seemingly exhaustive list of every political blog of note in Scotland, and which shows Scot Goes Pop with impressive figures as the fifth most-read blog, ahead of sites such as Bella Caledonia, Effie Deans, Talking Up Scotland (which I affectionately think of as Global Ferry News) and best of all Blair McDougall's Notes on Nationalism. Indeed, if the figures are to be believed, Scot Goes Pop has a readership some sixty-two times bigger than Notes on Nationalism, a website that McDougall assumes is so well known to the public that he feels he only ever needs to refer to it by the admittedly amusing initials "NoN".
Sadly, the numbers and the rankings aren't remotely reliable, because they almost certainly come from SimilarWeb. As I've mentioned many times before, I used to doublecheck Mr Campbell's claims before SimilarWeb introduced a registration-wall, and the figures for Wings Over Scotland revealed that the site supposedly has around fifteen "employees", a "turnover" of several million pounds, and is based in Glasgow, as opposed to, say, Bath. If the traffic estimates are as reliable as those claims, there's something of a credibility problem. In truth, the likelihood is that Wings' traffic is wildly overestimated by SimilarWeb due to many of his regulars treating the site as a de facto discussion forum, meaning they constantly refresh the page to see if there are new comments, with each refresh counting as a fresh "visit". It was for exactly that reason that fifteen years ago Political Betting was able to honestly claim to be the UK's "most-read" political blog, even though Iain Dale's blog had a far higher number of unique readers, which is what really matters.
Nevertheless, because I now have such a high-profile source for the claim that Scot Goes Pop is the fifth most-read political blog in Scotland, I might as well take advantage of that, so I've updated the site's masthead accordingly. I was tempted to say "one of the four most-read political blogs in Scotland", because I'm not sure we should really be counting Somerset-based gender politics blogs as "Scottish", but I'll be ultra-generous and stretch the point.
Mr Campbell goes on to make my ears burn with this assertion -
"What’s left of the much-reduced Scottish political blogosphere has mostly reacted to these developments with either catatonic indifference or wild outbreaks of denial, clutching at all manner of straws to pretend that there’s any credible prospect of a pro-indy majority after the next Holyrood election...18 months is a long time in politics, but we’re going to call this one early: there is zero prospect of a pro-indy majority after the next Holyrood election. None. Barring a nuclear war or an alien invasion or some equally implausible revolutionary event, it’s simply not happening."
With all due respect (which admittedly is not much respect), that's an absolutely clueless claim that reveals a truly astonishing level of ignorance about the current state of polling, and also about recent political history in both Scotland and the wider democratic world and what it tells us about the volatility of the electorate. Mr Campbell is a good bit older than me, so he really ought to be able to remember the 2011 Scottish Parliament election, when a Labour-led government looked a racing certainty as late as February or early March, but a single-party majority SNP government was elected in early May. If predictions were that far out just two months before an election, it is just absolutely nuts for Mr Campbell to claim that a pro-independence majority can be completely ruled out some eighteen months before the 2026 election. Especially given that it's just one month since the seats projection from a Norstat poll showed the SNP and Greens in combination on 61 seats - just four short of a majority.
Nobody is suggesting that a pro-independence majority is the most likely outcome, but with so much time to go there are multiple ways in which it could still happen - most obviously by the UK Labour government's unpopularity continuing to deepen and voters drifting back to the SNP as a result. A major Green surge could also do the trick, as long as the SNP vote holds up reasonably well.
Mr Campbell also approvingly quotes Robin McAlpine, who all of us are completely in awe of for his wonderfully incisive policy and strategy analysis, but I'm not sure his analysis of our electoral system is quite up to the same standard here -
"If Reform ended up one point ahead of the Greens in every list, it is conceivable the Greens could be wiped out."
Well, I suppose that's theoretically possible, in the same sense that it's possible Shergar may yet turn up alive and well in a Chelsea penthouse, but with recent polls putting the Greens between 8% and 10% of the list vote, they look pretty well-placed to return a sizeable contingent irrespective of the Reform surge. The chances of them being wiped out completely are very low.
That said, it's worth noting that Robin McAlpine himself confidently stated at times during the 2016-21 parliament that the polling evidence showed there was no real chance of the pro-indy majority being sustained in 2021, so that's another example of how it pays to be cautious with predictions and how dramatically and unpredictably the state of play can change.
I know Mr Campbell was sort-of-quoting an Irish website with the following statement, but pedantry means I can't resist -
"Our dear cousins across the Irish Sea, incidentally, are in a similar boat. Last week’s election to the Dáil left the nation so split, with no party able to achieve even 22% of the vote, that a coalition of FOUR parties might be required to get anything done."
Hmmm. In fact, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael in combination ended up just two seats short of an overall majority, so adding a third party (either Labour or the Social Democrats, who have eleven seats apiece) will put them well past the winning post with an extremely comfortable working majority. It's possible there may yet be a four-party coalition, but if that happens it won't be because it's arithmetically necessary, but simply because Labour and the Social Democrats are both looking for safety in numbers, ie. nobody wants to be the fall guy as the only junior coalition partner.
And needless to say Mr Campbell hasn't missed an opportunity to spew yet more random hatred about the Gaelic language. We knew you wouldn't let us down, Stu.
Tuesday, December 3, 2024
Polling shows that Keir Starmer is now far more hated by the UK public than all of his opponents, including Nigel Farage
So I've been meaning to mention this since the weekend. The regular Opinium series of Britain-wide polls continues to be more favourable for Labour than polls from most other firms, although the latest one has the Labour lead down to 4 points, rather than the 6 or 7 points that has been typical with Opinium in recent times. But what will concern Labour far more are three specific details from the leadership questions in the new poll.
Some analysts have argued for years that the best predictor of election results, or at least the best predictor months or years ahead of polling day, is not the standard voting intention numbers but instead the head to head question about which leader would be the best Prime Minister. Opinium are now showing Keir Starmer just 5 points ahead of Kemi Badenoch on that question.
Who would make the best Prime Minister?
Monday, December 2, 2024
Is an early Holyrood election actually in the interests of any of the opposition parties?
I don't take seriously all the chatter about the Budget failing and an early Holyrood election being called, because past history shows that a resolution is generally found - even if it happens very theatrically at the last minute. However, the best way to judge the true level of danger in these situations is to ignore what opposition parties are saying in public and consider whether in the case of each party an early election actually serves their own self-interest.
Labour: Even for Labour it's not a straightforward equation. They would undoubtedly gain a large number of seats in any early election, but it's unlikely to be the clear-cut victory they were starting to take for granted only a few months ago, so there's a danger of looking like a firework that fizzled. That might drain momentum away from them as they look ahead to the 2026 election, which under the rules would still take place. On the other hand, they might get into government, which is the ultimate goal for any party, but that would almost certainly require a deal with the Tories and possibly with Reform UK as well. That would be bound to complicate their 2026 campaign, ie. "a vote for Labour is a vote for the Tories and Farage".
Conservatives: Without question an early election is not in the Tories' best interests. They would lose up to half their seats, would drop to third place or possibly fourth, and would see Reform UK open up a bridgehead against them. The chance of having some power or influence within a new unionist government surely doesn't outweigh all of those negatives. So in a rational world, if there looked to be any danger of the SNP government falling, they would head off the danger by abstaining somewhere along the line. In practice it's very difficult for them to do that, though, because it would damage their anti-SNP-ultra tough guy image.
Liberal Democrats: On paper an early election is very clearly in the Lib Dems' interests, because they would stand to gain seats, and would have at least a chance of a share in power. So it's interesting that they seem to at least be theoretically open to a deal (remember they also saved the SNP's bacon when other parties tried to prevent Kate Forbes from becoming Deputy First Minister). Maybe party finances are the explanation - it could be the Lib Dems have limited resources and would prefer to save them for one big push in 2026.
Greens: It's not simple for the Greens, because polls often suggest they would see some progress in an early election, but that progress wouldn't be dramatic, and they have to weigh that against the fact that they currently hold the balance of power, and might hand that privileged position to Reform UK on a plate if they bring down the SNP government. For that reason, my guess is that an SNP-Green deal will rescue the Budget, with the second most likely escape route being an SNP-Lib Dem deal (even though the latter doesn't make intuitive sense).
Sunday, December 1, 2024
"No Due Process Please, We're Alba"?
Iain Cameron posting this publically about Wee Annie, Scotlands hardest working independence fighter. 🏴💪❤
— Leanne Tervit (@LeanneTervit) December 1, 2024
Can @TasminaSheikh list those of us with a lifetime ban on joining the Alba Party please. And maybe explain why Iain Cameron was chosen to make that announcement. pic.twitter.com/XB0aRxalJu
(Note: click on the tweet to read the screenshot in full.)
Nobody held the late Alex Salmond in higher regard than I did, but the above screenshot is concerning, because it speaks to some of the deep-seated problems within the Alba party that I and others have been highlighting in recent months, and whatever else it describes, it certainly does not describe due process. If people really are going to be subject to lifetime bans, it can't just happen by the decree of one person - there has to be some kind of proper, fair, transparent procedure.
The provision in the Alba constitution about "public resignations from the party" has been an ongoing problem, because it's been used to conveniently bypass the normal disciplinary machinery. If Chris McEleny (whether acting on his own behalf or on behalf of the broader leadership) wants to get someone insta-banned from Alba, but doesn't want to bother with the tiresome business of a referral to the Disciplinary Committee and a possible subsequent appeal to the Appeals Committee, all he has to do is persuade the NEC to certify that person as having "publicly resigned", and they instantly cease to be a party member without ever having faced any sort of disciplinary process (even of the sham variety!), and will never be allowed to rejoin without prior permission from the NEC.
This perhaps wouldn't be quite so bad if the people affected really had "publicly resigned", but in many cases that simply isn't true. You might remember that Alan Harris mentioned in his recent Scot Goes Pop guest post that he had been certified as having publicly resigned even though he had kept his resignation several months ago strictly private. And I can certainly vouch for the fact that he did that, because at the time of his resignation I searched social media carefully, and there wasn't a trace of a mention anywhere.
But it gets even worse, because during my own time on the NEC in 2021-22, there was an occasion when Mr McEleny asked us to certify someone as having publicly resigned even though she had not actually resigned from the party at all. One of my biggest regrets is that I didn't challenge that. The reason I didn't is that the subject came up very suddenly and unexpectedly, and at that point I was still assuming good faith and taking it as read that Mr McEleny's reasoning must have been sound, but in retrospect it really, really wasn't. The person in question may well have done enough to warrant disciplinary action, but there is no way on God's earth that she had "publicly resigned from the party".
As far as the nasty language about a "group of malcontents" is concerned, that of course is a variant of the "wee gang of malcontents" catchphrase which is such a favourite within Alba's in-group. It's regularly used to demonise and belittle a number of prominent and highly-respected former Alba members, many of whom were forced to leave the party due to relentless bullying. The irony is that the people who use that phrase are simply demonstrating publicly that the bullying was all too real, but they're caught in such a bubble of entitlement and groupthink that they seem blissfully unaware of that fact.
When I was preparing my defence submission for my own upcoming "disciplinary" hearing on Thursday (which will be the most surreal hearing ever given that Mr McEleny can't seem to work out what he's accusing me of, let alone supply any evidence for it), I had a look through the Twitter accounts of a number of leading Alba figures to see how the party's social media policy is actually being interpreted in practice. I found the "wee gang of malcontents" line again and again and again, from several different people, even though that is clearly forbidden by an anti-bullying clause in the social media policy which makes the "targeting of individuals" a "red line". But of course if you're inside the in-group rather than outside it, you can pretty much do these things with total impunity and no action will ever be taken against you. Under the current rules, remember, Mr McEleny has an absolute veto over whether submitted complaints ever reach the Disciplinary Committee.
I may or may not be expelled on Thursday night, but even if it turns out through no choice or fault of my own that my political future lies in a party other than Alba, I would still urge Alba members to think very, very carefully about who they elect as their next leader, and to make sure that person is someone who will put an end to this nonsense and re-establish due process. Alba will not thrive electorally until it puts its own house in order.
Labour face catastrophe in Wales as Plaid Cymru storm into historic lead for 2026 Senedd election
Plaid Cymru 24% (+1)
Labour 23% (-4)
Reform UK 23% (+5)
Conservatives 19% (+1)
Greens 6% (+1)
Liberal Democrats 5% (-1)