Friday, February 11, 2022

The world has gone absolutely bloody mad

In early 2020, when the possibility of lockdown was being very vaguely discussed for the first time due to the small number of precedents in countries that had been touched by Covid sooner than others, someone said to me on Twitter: "You can't put human civilisation on pause for a year or two", to which I replied "why not?".  To be clear, he wasn't in denial about the gravity of the situation, because he actually worked in the NHS and understood better than most the scale of the disaster that was about to hit.  But even someone like him weighed up the competing imperatives of saving thousands of lives and maintaining business as usual, and concluded that business as usual was more important.  

The reality is that lockdown was an idea that was unthinkable until it suddenly became inevitable.  It ultimately wasn't even a choice, because the NHS would have sunk without it.  Which raises the troubling thought that if it had been just about possible to keep the NHS afloat, we'd almost certainly have let Covid sweep through a totally unvaccinated population, no matter how astronomical the death toll. Indeed I can recall a Westminster journalist excitedly saying "this could work..." after seeing what turned out to be a wildly inaccurate projection that the NHS wouldn't quite be broken by the peak of the epidemic.  I just find that mindset incomprehensible - the calculation was not "how do we save lives?" but "is it feasible to sacrifice lives so I can keep going to the gym or to the cinema or to the office?"

For many weeks government officials seemed to think their role was not to prevent infections, but to reframe the idea that infections should be stopped as totally irrational - almost as a mental health issue that had to be rectified with condescending sermons from on high.  That was in spite of the fact that the World Health Organisation itself was imploring governments to take all necessary measures to stop the virus in its tracks.  Catherine Calderwood "explained" to us that we would all just get on with our lives as normal while large numbers of people around us became seriously ill and died, exactly as we (supposedly) would during a bad flu season.  But really that was a mandatory message for the plebs only.  If you were wealthy enough you could always opt out of the danger by taking to the hills while the madness unfolded.

The lesson of 2020 is obvious: that drastic interventions to prevent the spread of the virus should never have been unthinkable.  They were always perfectly realistic and effective, they saved a huge number of lives, and therefore self-evidently they should have been deployed irrespective of whether the NHS was thought able to cope.  But, as bonkers as it may seem, there are people out there who claim to have learned the opposite lesson. Indeed they claim with breathtakingly cynical dishonesty that society as a whole has learned the opposite lesson, and that there is somehow now a consensus that we should have laid out the welcome mat for Covid in the spring of 2020.  That is gaslighting, pure and simple, and it was arguably the all-time low point in the history of the Herald newspaper when they published an article by Joanna Blythman a week ago entitled "Lockdowns don't work. Nicola Sturgeon must be stripped of her power to impose them."  (And I fully appreciate the implications of saying "all-time low point" given the extensive contributions of controversial journalist David Leask to the same paper over the years.)

"In March 2020, states all around the world tore up established global pandemic planning strategies"

Rubbish.  The established UK strategy that was eventually discarded was specifically a strategy for pandemic flu, not for a pandemic caused by a non-flu virus. It should never have been followed in the first place, because as the World Health Organisation pointed out from a very early stage, Covid differed from flu in two vital respects - it was more deadly, and its mode of transmission rendered it controllable by means of social distancing measures and rigorous contact tracing.

"Two years on and we’re still waiting for either the UK or Scottish Government to present us with an evaluation of the impacts of this groupthink blunder."

Er, no, Joanna.  There was indeed a groupthink blunder, and that was to treat a non-flu virus as flu.  That catastrophic mistake ended - or more accurately was put on pause - when social distancing measures were belatedly introduced.

"No wonder governments are not keen to rake over the bones of their decision to put such faith in ‘non-pharmaceutical interventions’: lockdowns, masks, social distancing, travel bans, curtailment of education and social interaction."

Actually those decisions will stand up to scrutiny very easily, because the evidence that they were unavoidable and saved lives is utterly overwhelming.  Where governments are on a much more shoogly peg is in relation to the fatuous justifications they gave for not introducing non-pharmaceutical interventions prior to late March 2020.  For example, there has yet to be a reckoning for the staggeringly inaccurate and irresponsible comments Jason Leitch made during his Grand Complacency Tour of the TV and radio studios in February and March 2020, but that reckoning will surely come one day before a public inquiry.  He'll be asked to explain his absurd claim that it was essentially impossible to catch the virus twice, and therefore that we could somehow make the problem go away by forming an orderly queue and taking our turn to be infected. It wasn't so much that he was knowingly saying something that was utter tripe (although we know now beyond all dispute that it was), but that he was making a claim of fact without any sound basis whatsoever.  There simply wasn't enough evidence to know at that stage whether reinfections would or would not mean that the morally repugnant herd immunity strategy was impossible in practice.  Leitch will also surely be challenged on his patently false claim to know better than the World Health Organisation that the virus couldn't be stopped in its tracks by measures that had already succeeded in South Korea.

"As sobering rationality and pragmatism returns to countries that lost their heads over SARS-Cov2, lockdowns now look like the biggest public health mistake in history."

I mean, is it just me?  Right now, we are living through an unprecedented period when governments (particularly the UK government, but others as well) have taken complete leave of their senses.  An insanely large percentage of the population is currently walking around with an active infection, far more so than at the outset of the various lockdowns we've gone through - and yet this is the moment at which our masters have chosen to lift all restrictions wholesale.  It is nothing short of jaw-dropping for Joanna Blythman to characterise this willful neglect, this total abandonment of all sense of human responsibility, as "the return of sobering rationality and pragmatism".  It is no less barking mad for her to describe the much more sensible policy that preceded it as "the biggest public health mistake in history".

And OK, the Scottish Government haven't yet done anything quite as insane as the UK Government's decision to drop the requirement for people who test positive for Covid to self-isolate - the kind of development you'd normally only expect if Zippy from Rainbow was put in charge of public health.  But that's a pretty low bar.  What the Scottish Government have done is prematurely allow indoor mixing of large groups of people indoors, well before Omicron has been brought anything like under control - most notably in the ultra-dangerous environment of nightclubs, thus guaranteeing huge numbers of needless infections. 

The excuse for this "libertarianism for pathogens" approach is, of course, that Covid has supposedly been "de-fanged" due to vaccination and widespread immunity from prior infection, and that we can thus afford to rely much more on "personal choice" going forward.  But that's utter garbage for two main reasons - a) the existence of Long Covid, and b) the clinically vulnerable.  If you were to ask the government or its advisers whether the "de-fanging" of Covid means that Long Covid has also been de-fanged, the best they'd be able to say with any honesty is "we hope so" or "it would be nice to think so".  With Long Covid, we're essentially back to the same place we were in when Leitch claimed in early 2020 that herd immunity would work because reinfection wouldn't be a problem.  What he really meant was he hoped that would prove to be the case, and it was unthinkable that he could be wrong because people needed to be able to go to the office and to gyms and to cinemas.  Well, that's just not good enough.  Covid hasn't been de-fanged until we know for sure that Long Covid has been de-fanged.  Until then, the precautionary principle must apply.  As I pointed out on Twitter the other day, even if just 2% of Omicron infections result in Long Covid (and there are good reasons for supposing it could be much higher than that), up to one million people in the UK would be affected if the virus is allowed to sweep through the entire population.  The wrecking of one million lives is not less important than the ability of luckier people to go to nightclubs or pubs.

As for the clinically vulnerable, the idea of "personal choice" is a sick joke, because the current free-for-all leaves them with only one choice - either withdraw from the bulk of indoor activities, or risk serious illness.  That is no sort of choice at all.  There's also a huge dilemma for people who have a lot of contact with a vulnerable person - and I find myself in that category.  Either we stay away from the vulnerable person, or we just don't socialise or mingle with others indoors.  I actually had much more freedom of action during partial lockdowns, because society recognised that the responsibility to protect the clinically vulnerable was collective not personal, and thus the virus had been driven down to very low levels across the whole population.

Back to Joanna:

"All of a sudden, high-profile commentators who were baying for more, longer, and harsher lockdowns are pivoting like mad. Belatedly they are filled with empathy for sobbing relatives cruelly kept from the bedsides of their loved ones and other grotesque examples of lockdown mania that they had fulsomely cheered on."

If any previously sensible commentators are indeed "pivoting like mad" (and ah hae ma doots), then they're blithering idiots, because it wasn't lockdown that kept sobbing relatives from the bedside of their loved ones - it was the spread of the virus itself.  If we had simply got on top of the virus from the word go in the way that New Zealand did, then most - not all, but most - of this pain could have been averted.  

Don't let hard-right populist gaslighting in the Herald of all places distract you from the betrayal of the public that is currently taking place.  As experts have pointed out, the removal of restrictions when the virus is absolutely everywhere means that the government has been defeated by Covid, and that ministers are choosing to permanently accept a sicker population that is constantly being reinfected, with all of the consequences of that for the economy and for children's education.  That is not a choice that future generations will look kindly upon.  But hey, at least people without Long Covid can go out dancing between infections.

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Friday, February 4, 2022

A response to yet more "feedback" (ahem) from Bella Caledonia

Predictably, Bella Caledonia's eccentric hit-piece the other day about me and this blog led to an extended pile-on from The Trendies in the Bella comments section (although, interestingly, they haven't had it all their own way by any means).  Most of the diatribes are barely worth responding to, but there are one or two comments that make a brief reply irresistible by virtue of being so full of downright lies, or of being so brazenly hypocritical.  

On the latter theme, let's begin with our old friend Alec "LOL" Lomax.

"Ah yes, the GRA, the topic that takes priority over independence, damage from Brexit, climate change, the escalating cost of living etc."

Extraordinarily, this is an attack line from a supporter of the Scottish Government's plans to reform the GRA by legislating for gender self-ID within the next few months. Dear reader, you and I may be naive enough to believe that someone who claims to think the GRA is a less important topic than independence, Brexit, climate change and the cost of living would want to see self-ID put firmly on the backburner so we can get on with dealing with these far more pressing priorities.  But no.  Apparently the way Alec demonstrates his total disinterest in the GRA as a topic is by agitating for precious parliamentary time to be eaten up in the hope of pushing through a hugely controversial GRA reform at breakneck speed.

Answers on a postcard, folks.

Next up we have "Mr Chips" - a moniker that means nothing to me, which may not be a coincidence given that practically every single claim he makes about me and this blog is factually inaccurate...

"His tweets imploring people to vote Alba because they had a good chance of “gaming the system” were either hopelessly naive or deliberately stupid."

Alternatively they could just be a figment of your imagination, old son.  The inverted commas around the words "gaming the system" are particularly bonkers given that I've spent half my waking life explaining why attempts to game the Holyrood electoral system are a bad idea, and given also that I stressed when I joined Alba that I hadn't changed my view about that.  I made clear again and again that I was voting Alba on the list simply because Alba are my first choice party, and not because of any tactical wheeze.  So are you intentionally lying about my stance, Mr Chips, or are you just some clueless soul making a wild guess at what you hope I might have said?   I've no idea which it is, but I do know that it's one or the other. 

"Alba were polling between 1% and 4%. The statistical variance suggested just noise and no signal."

That claim is plain and simply untrue.  Alba actually polled between 1% and 6% during the Holyrood campaign, and no fewer than three polls had them on 6%.  (I'm in a very good position to remember that, because I commissioned one of them myself.)  The guff about "statistical variance suggesting just noise" spectacularly misses the point, because the real question was never whether Alba were "recovering" - it was which pollster was getting it right.  If the 6% showings from Panelbase had been accurate, then Alba were on course to win multiple seats throughout the campaign.  The seats projection from the Scot Goes Pop / Panelbase poll in April 2021 had Alba on eight seats.

"Anyone familiar with statistics knew support for Alba was so small it could not be successfully measured. Despite this, Kelly implored his followers that the system could be gamed with a vote for Alba."

Actually, what anyone with even a primary school grasp of statistics knows is that you can't claim that Alba were polling between 1% and 4% when they in fact polled at 6% three times.  And what anyone familiar with even the basics of the English language knows is that you can't claim that someone who thinks attempting to game the system is a bad idea was "imploring his followers that the system could be gamed".

"He was one of the many bloggers and tweeters who supported Craig Murray throughout his trial and imprisonment..."

Crikey, he's got something right at last - although of course even broken clocks are accurate twice a day.  Yes, Mr Chips, I'm opposed to the jailing of journalists. I believe that's known as "being on the right side of history".

"...without really understanding the gravity of Murray’s offence. Let’s not forget what Murray did: he impaired the Article 8 ECHR rights of complainers at a sexual offences trial. When you do stuff like that, prison is an appropriate sanction. Despite this, Kelly believes there is no inconsistency in his new role as one of the “women protectors”."

It's hard to know where to start with such gibberish. Presumably, again, the inverted commas are meant to indicate that I've portrayed myself at some point as a "women protector" - the only snag being that I've done no such thing.  What I certainly have said is that the Alba Party are defenders of women's sex-based rights - a statement that is irrefutably accurate.  

To suggest that I supported Craig at his trial without understanding "the gravity of his offence" is a nonsense, because the purpose of a trial (at least in a free country, which hopefully this still is) is not to assume an offence has been committed and adjudicate upon the "gravity" of it, but instead to determine whether an offence has been committed in the first place.  Those of us who supported Craig at his trial believed - and still believe - that "not guilty" was the appropriate verdict, not least because of the total lack of evidence to substantiate the notion that anyone was actually identified in the real world due to Craig's reporting.

Even if the erroneous verdict of "guilty" was taken at face value, though, imprisonment was plainly an inappropriate sentence for three reasons: a) it was a non-violent offence, b) there is little or no recent precedent for other journalists being jailed for similar offences, and c) Craig has health conditions which meant that a jail term needlessly put his life at genuine risk.  One of the ugliest parts of this saga was a tweet from a senior person in the SNP demanding that Craig be jailed, on the grounds that if he was sentenced to community service he would supposedly use his health conditions to worm his way out of it.  The implication being that the health conditions were somehow bogus, in spite of the testimony from his doctors.  It's amazing how the mask of progressivism slips, isn't it?  That's the kind of inhuman rhetoric you'd expect to hear from the hard right "hang 'em, flog 'em" wing of the Tory party.

"Murray deserved to go to prison. Apart from anything else, it serves as a deterrent to anyone else thinking of doing the same thing. Anyone supporting him is similarly stamping all over the human rights of the complainers at the Alex Salmond sexual offences trial. For that reason, I have no time whatsoever for James Kelly."

And because "Mr Chips" supports the jailing of journalists, and doesn't give a damn about whether a medically vulnerable man lives or dies in prison, I'm afraid I have no time whatsoever for "Mr Chips" - whoever the sodding hell "Mr Chips" may be.

"It [gender self-ID] was put to the people of Switzerland, hardly the epicentre of woke Europe. They voted to adopt self-id by the majority rule that so many commenters here are keen on. I think you underestimate just how far the public have moved on questions of sexuality, identity and state intrusion into our private lives."

I'm not going to pretend to be an expert on Swiss politics, but having looked into it as carefully as I can, this appears to be yet another false claim.  It looks as if gender self-ID was introduced by the Swiss parliament, and was not tested in a referendum in the same way that the simultaneous introduction of same-sex marriage was.  It's also worth making the point that Switzerland is one of only a small minority of European countries that have thus far introduced gender self-ID, which gives the lie to the suggestions elsewhere in the Bella thread that there's some sort of unstoppable global trend at play here.  Whatever "international best practice" may mean, it certainly doesn't appear to mean "international common practice".

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If you'd like to help this blog continue for another year, or to help us commission another full-scale poll like the six we've commissioned over the last two years, here are the various options for donating...

Via the Scot Goes Pop polling fundraiser for 2021-22, which I set up in the autumn and is part-funded.

If you prefer to donate directly, that can be done via Paypal or bank transfer:  

My Paypal email address is:  jkellysta@yahoo.co.uk

Or email me for my bank details.  (My contact email address is different from my Paypal address, and can be found in the sidebar of the desktop version of the site, or on my Twitter profile.)

Monday, January 31, 2022

BELLA WOMAN-PHOBIA? A response to Bella's bizarre hit-piece about Scot Goes Pop - which I was neither given advance notice of, nor offered a right of reply to

I have a long history with the Bella Caledonia website (or the Bella Caledonia group blog, to call a spade a spade).  Way back when Scot Goes Pop was in its infancy, probably around 2009, I received an email out of the blue from Bella editor Mike Small - who at the time I didn't know from Adam - asking me to place Bella on my link list.  I was a tad startled by this, because there was no hint at all of any offer of reciprocation.  The subtext seemed to be that Bella was so obviously important that it was only right and proper that it should be on every link list in the pro-indy blogosphere. I went along with the request, but I was a touch bemused.

Then in 2010 came the bizarre episode of Bella's "let's all spoil our ballot papers in the AV referendum" campaign.  I and other bloggers received an email, again totally out of the blue, informing us that an "independence referendum" had been called for May 2011. What this turned out to mean was that Bella Caledonia had issued an edict (self-described with typical humility as a "masterstroke") that all independence supporters should throw their votes away in the AV referendum by scrawling the word "INDEPENDENCE" on the ballot paper.  When I and most other bloggers refused to fall into line with this hare-brained scheme upon demand, Small angrily denounced us on Twitter (literally within hours) as ditherers and "fence-sitters".  As others pointed out at the time, if Small had conceived of the spoiled ballot campaign as a collective endeavour by the pro-indy New Media, he might have been better advised to check to see whether any other bloggers actually agreed with him before making the announcement, rather than 'assuming consent' and having a tantrum when consent wasn't forthcoming.  Certainly for my own part, if there's one political belief I've held for even longer than my belief in independence, it's my support for electoral reform, so there was never any way on God's earth that I was going to spoil my ballot in the AV referendum or recommend that anyone else should do so.  As was utterly predictable, the hubristic Bella stunt was a total flop, with a vanishingly small number of people spoiling their ballot in the way suggested.

A few years later, I think it was during the long independence referendum campaign, Small actually asked me to write an article about polling for Bella Caledonia in return for payment.  I wrote the article and it was published, but I was never paid.  I wasn't overly bothered, because I would have happily agreed to write the article for free - but once again, I just thought it was a very odd way for Bella to conduct itself.

In the run-up to the Holyrood election in 2016, it became painfully obvious that Bella had turned into a propaganda site for the concept of "tactical voting on the list", having published several articles in favour of the idea (including an unedited RISE press release), and none that opposed it or even expressed the remotest scepticism about it.  I and others challenged Small about this on Twitter, and he innocently insisted that Bella was open to submissions from all corners of the indy movement - he couldn't publish a counter-argument if it wasn't submitted.  So I asked the obvious question: if I submitted an article explaining why tactical voting on the list was a dreadful idea, would he consider it for publication?  He stated that he would.  I then stayed up half the night writing the article and sent it over to him.  In the morning he wrote back to me indicating that he had no intention of publishing the article unless I modified it to bring it into line with his own views on tactical voting - in other words to say the complete opposite of what it actually said. He had wasted my time in the most appallingly cynical way - and I told him so, and revealed on Scot Goes Pop what had just happened.

He started spitting fury that I had gone public, and made an abusive comment about me on Twitter.  (I blocked him as a result of that abuse, and have kept him blocked ever since.)  He then published his entire correspondence with me on Bella in a supposed attempt to "prove" that I had misrepresented it, but as several BTL commenters on Bella pointed out - often in a tone of some astonishment - what his messages to me actually proved was that every single claim I had made was entirely accurate.  Small had, indeed, refused to run my article as it stood, simply because he disagreed with the argument it advanced.  He watched on in a degree of helplessness and bitterness as the narrative about the exchange spiralled out of his control.

In the spring of 2017, Small invited me and other New Media people to a sort of "summit" in Edinburgh.  It was a response to Nicola Sturgeon "calling a second independence referendum" - little did we know that all she had actually done was the first half of what was to become an all-too-familiar Grand Old Duke of York routine.  The idea was that we needed to "resolve our differences" before the "referendum campaign" got underway in earnest.  So I went along in good faith, but I ended up forming the distinct impression that my own invitation had been intended as a trap, because Angela Haggerty - at the time the editor of Common Space - had a pre-prepared attack on me ready for the moment I opened my mouth.  Apparently I had no credibility to make any suggestions at all given that I had published a satirical poem a few months earlier that failed to show sufficient deference towards her friends on the trendy radical left. It's a sign of how susceptible the radical left are to groupthink that Angela honestly seemed to believe I would crumple the moment she uttered the word "poem" with a knowing smile.  When I instead responded at some length to Angela's attack, Small started wincing and asked me to lower my voice because we were in a "shared space". (For the avoidance of doubt, I hadn't been shouting, although my friends have sometimes pointed out to me that my normal speaking voice is quite loud, possibly because I'm so used to being around hard-of-hearing family members.)

Later in the meeting, I challenged Small on the apparent contradiction between his belief that the pro-indy New Media had to work together, and his own constant attacks on Stuart Campbell. He responded that he would try his utmost to ignore Campbell for the duration of "the referendum", but that he just didn't think Campbell was a "serious person" in the New Media.  I thought that was an extraordinary statement.  Whatever anyone thinks of Campbell (and I'm no longer on good terms with him myself, of course), the very fact that his readership was several times bigger than Bella Caledonia and Scot Goes Pop combined meant self-evidently that he had to be taken seriously as a major player in the New Media.

The outcome of the meeting was, at least according to Small, that we should all co-ordinate more and inform each other in advance if we were going to mention or criticise each other in blogposts or articles. This principle was not put to the vote - it was just an edict from Small and consent was assumed.  Again, this suggests that Small imagines himself to be sitting at the apex of some sort of New Media hierarchy - although who the hell is supposed to have put him there is anyone's guess.

To be clear, I have no complaint about the fact that Bella Caledonia have today run a hit-piece about me and about Scot Goes Pop, without giving me any prior indication that they were planning to do so, or indeed offering me any right to reply.  That's a perfectly legitimate thing for them to have done - however, I do think in the light of the past history outlined above, I'm entitled to point out that it is utterly irreconcilable with what Small has expected and demanded from other bloggers over the years.  Double-standards abound on Planet Bella.

To turn to the actual contents of the hit-piece, the contention is essentially that Scot Goes Pop has "lost its sparkle" - but the author's only supporting evidence is that I have joined the pro-independence Alba Party (you know, just like Small once hitched his wagon to the pro-independence RISE party), and that the comprehensive GRA poll I commissioned last autumn was allegedly "flawed".  That appears to be code for "the questions weren't loaded with ideological assumptions that Bella would approve of".  Frankly, that was a feature, not a bug.  I've noted quite a few times that commissioning that poll was one of the most stressful things I've done in a long time, and most of the reason for that was simply that it was extremely difficult to find a pollster that was willing to ask the neutral and balanced questions that I had taken great care in devising.  If I hadn't stood my ground and eventually turned to the excellent Panelbase, I could very easily have ended up with a poll full of leading questions and incomprehensible Stonewall-approved buzz-language such as "cis-women" - which would have been an appalling betrayal of the people who had put their trust in me by helping to fund the poll and who fully expected the questionnaire to be a fair one.

The author of the Bella hit-piece (Paul Bassett) reads significance into the fact that some of the non-GRA questions in the poll were very short, while many of the GRA questions were long.  That's not a 'flaw' - it was quite simply unavoidable, because most of the public are unaware of the nature of the GRA reform that is being proposed by the Scottish Government, namely legally-recognised gender self-identification.  Unless poll respondents know and understand exactly what they're being asked about, the results of the poll will be meaningless.  (That's exactly what happened with a GB-wide YouGov poll commissioned by Pink News which asked a very short and vague question about self-ID, a concept which wasn't defined for respondents in any way.)

Bassett takes issue with the question that I asked about the right of a woman who has been sexually assaulted to request to be examined by a doctor who was born biologically female, rather than merely a doctor who is legally regarded as female.  Bassett asks: "How likely is that situation to actually play out in the way this question supposes? Does it reflect reality, or is it phrased to evoke an uneasy reaction in respondents’ minds as they try to answer?"  That's a bloody peculiar query, Paul.  If you're asking whether it is likely that some women might want the right to request to be examined by a doctor who is biologically and physically female in the incredibly stressful hours immediately after a sexual assault committed by a man, the answer is pretty obviously 'yes', and if you have any lingering doubts about that, the emphatic answer that respondents gave to that question should dispel them.  If the latter part of your query is asking me whether the poll question was an attempt to create "unease" or simply to find out the answer to the question I actually asked, then I'm happy to clarify it was the latter.  Doh, and all that.

Bassett goes on to complain that the GRA questions are "circuitous" because they start with the words "some people argue that".  I'm sorry to have to break the news to you, Paul, but that wording is entirely routine in the polling world, to the point of being almost humdrum.  Curiously, he then claims that the questions end up as open questions - "which point of view do you find more persuasive?".  But in fact that wording does not constitute an open question for the very reason that Bassett himself gives, ie. that respondents are being asked to choose between two specified points of view.  So I'm afraid that it's Bassett's own argument that is circular and "circuitous", rather than my poll questions.  If I had set out to ask "open questions", I would have failed to do so, but I didn't intend to ask open questions, so I didn't fail.  Again, doh.

Bassett is troubled that the two points of view respondents were invited to choose between were "strongly worded". Well, yes, this is a polarised debate, and the questions reflected that.  The problem with some past GRA-themed polls is that they only asked about the strongly-worded views of one side of the debate, and neglected to provide much-needed balance by also asking about the strongly-worded views of the other side.  I was determined to remedy that, and I make no apology for doing so.  Because respondents may well have found themselves somewhere between the two polarised extremes, they weren't invited to identify totally with one or the other - merely to say which they found "more" persuasive.  And if they were unable to do so, there was a "Don't Know/Prefer not to answer" option.  It was, in a nutshell, an entirely proper and scrupulously fair polling exercise.

Next comes the red herring that has already been given one or two outings by Professor John Robertson, who in recent months has reinvented himself as an increasingly preposterous propagandist on the GRA issue.  It's claimed that there couldn't have been much interest in the GRA poll because it wasn't fully funded at the point at which I felt I needed to go ahead and commission it.  The problem with that theory is that just before I launched the fundraising for the GRA poll, I had attempted to crowdfund for another full-scale independence poll, and that fell much further short of the target figure. About three times as much was raised for the GRA poll as for the independence poll, which implies that there is three times as much passion for the GRA issue as there is for independence.  That's something that should concern us all, and perhaps speaks volumes about how the Scottish Government's inaction is draining enthusiasm from the Yes movement.

Bassett adds that he "for one" is unconvinced that the poll did what I said it did - ie. "convincingly demonstrate" that the Scottish public are opposed to gender self-ID.  Quite honestly, Paul, if you can look at those almost painfully balanced questions and the overwhelming results they produced and still claim to be unconvinced, the one and only thing that reveals for us is your boneheaded determination to refuse to believe the evidence of your own eyes.

Finally, there's the usual bog-standard rant about Alba and about how Alex Salmond supposedly has too much "baggage" for the new party to ever succeed. Gentle hint, Paul: the fact that I disagree with you about that does not mean Scot Goes Pop has "lost its sparkle" - it means that two people have a difference of view.  Such a phenomenon is not totally unheard of, I believe.  All I can tell you is that I've served on the Alba Party's National Executive Committee since I was elected at the September conference.  Confidentiality rules prevent me from going into details about the meetings, but I can give you my general impression, which is that the way Alex Salmond has been caricatured recently is about a billion light-years away from the reality. Indeed, the entire Alba leadership team - Alex Salmond, Kenny MacAskill, Neale Hanvey and Tasmina Ahmed-Sheikh - have all struck me as impressively level-headed strategic thinkers with a laser-like focus on achieving independence at the earliest possible date (and, yes, on defending women's sex-based rights too).

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If you'd like to help this blog continue for another year, or to help us commission another full-scale poll like the six we've commissioned over the last two years, here are the various options for donating...

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My Paypal email address is:  jkellysta@yahoo.co.uk

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Tuesday, January 25, 2022

Has the Boris Factor outlived its usefulness for the independence movement?

Just a quick note to let you know that I'm quoted (along with Green activist Laura Moodie and Professor James Mitchell) in Alasdair Soussi's latest article for Al Jazeera on the impact of Boris Johnson's troubles on the prospects for Scottish independence.  You can read the article HERE.

Before anyone bites my head off about what I said in my own quotes, although it may look like I was agreeing with Professor Mitchell that a Labour comeback is underway and will undermine independence support, actually the reverse is true.  The point I was making is that we've now reached the stage where Johnson is so unpopular in England that it may be better for us in the long run if he's replaced - as he probably will be.  If, for example, Rishi Sunak becomes Prime Minister, he may be popular enough in England that the likelihood of a Labour government after 2024 will dramatically recede, meaning Scotland will not go down the blind alley of holding off from doing anything about independence just on the 0.0001% chance that Keir Starmer might deliver Devo More or federalism some time this decade.  The choice for the public would still be a straight one between Tory rule and independence.

*  *  *

If you'd like to help this blog continue for another year, or to help us commission another full-scale poll like the six we've commissioned over the last two years, here are the various options for donating...

Via the Scot Goes Pop polling fundraiser for 2021-22, which I set up in the autumn and is part-funded.

If you prefer to donate directly, that can be done via Paypal or bank transfer:  

My Paypal email address is:  jkellysta@yahoo.co.uk

Or email me for my bank details.  (My contact email address is different from my Paypal address, and can be found in the sidebar of the desktop version of the site, or on my Twitter profile.)

Sunday, January 23, 2022

Welcome to the parallel universe in which the BBC would have the right to expect supporters of independence to defend the licence fee

Fingers point at Auntie after the UK's "Near Death Experience"

Edinburgh - 19th September 2014

Anti-separation chiefs were jubilant last night as the "Better Together" campaign sealed an epic referendum victory, securing Scotland's place in the United Kingdom for the foreseeable future.  But in the cold light of morning, attention has started to turn to the wafer-thin margin by which the win was bagged.  A full 49.7% of Scottish electors turned out to vote for a separate state - a figure only barely dwarfed by the 50.3% who voted against partitioning Britain.  That was wildly out of line with confident predictions from only a few days ago of a margin as wide as 57-43.  Already commentators are dubbing the shock outcome "a near death experience for the Union".

So far there have been few recriminations between the Unionist political parties, with most ire instead being reserved for the role of the BBC.  Colin Brown of the Orange Order in Scotland said openly what many Labour and Conservative politicians have been saying privately today when he angrily branded the public service broadcaster as "treacherous".  He pointed out that the BBC have a duty to foster cohesion of the British nation, but added bitterly: "If that's what they've been doing over the last fortnight, you could have fooled me.  With 'Aunties' like the Beeb, who needs grumpy mothers-in-law?"

Although Unionist parties have been more circumspect in their public criticisms, eyebrows have nevertheless been raised over a series of high-profile stories that the BBC ran on news bulletins during the course of last week. "There was clear polling evidence at the start of that crucial week that we in the No Thanks campaign had started to steady the ship after the wobble of the notorious YouGov poll," noted Fred Canning, a Conservative local councillor in Dumfries and Galloway.  "But then the BBC randomly threw our gains away by seemingly trying to convince voters that they would live longer with separation, or that they would die of radiation poisoning if they stuck with the Union, or most ludicrously of all that Britain might leave the European Union and then install Boris Johnson as Prime Minister!  It was the most astonishing spectacle that has ever been witnessed from any national broadcaster anywhere in the western world."

The reference to "living longer with separation" concerned a story about Scotland's life expectancy record, which compares very poorly to almost all other countries in western Europe.  The BBC appeared to be suggesting the Union might be to blame, and UK government ministers were left firmly on the defensive as they pointed out that London cannot be expected to control the poor lifestyle choices of individual Scots - a line of argument that "Yes" campaigners subsequently blasted as patronising or even racist.  Meanwhile, the "radiation poisoning" story was about alleged concerns over the safety of British nuclear weapons on the Clyde, and the potential for a catastrophic accident.

Senior Labour activist Kenny Inglis agreed with Canning that the BBC's choice of news priorities implied that the broadcaster had turned against the Union for unknown reasons.  "These were entirely contrived stories.  They weren't in any way topical, nothing had suddenly changed.  Scotland has had poor life expectancy numbers since Adam was a boy, and nuclear subs have been based in Faslane for decades without major incident."

But a well-known BBC Scotland journalist robustly defended the corporation's output towards the end of the referendum campaign.  Speaking on condition of anonymity, she explained: "Frankly, I think the BBC at network level were in severe danger of losing their heads after the YouGov poll showed Yes on 51%.  We were set for a week of 'shock and awe' scare stories about independence that seemed to have no other purpose than to deliver a No majority and save the Union.  We could have suffered reputational damage in Scotland that would have taken decades to repair.  Luckily cooler and more experienced heads prevailed and we rescued our coverage with balancing stories that scrutinised the possible downsides of remaining in the Union."

Can seemingly fanciful stories about nuclear catastrophe or a future Boris Johnson premiership really be regarded as "balanced"? Remarkably, Professor Emma McWilliams of Stirling University's Media Studies Department insists they can.  "You don't achieve balance as a broadcaster by sort of treating the Yes campaign as the defendant in a trial, and simply allowing the 'prosecution' and the 'defence' equal airtime.  Earlier in the campaign, there were BBC news stories about businesses and banks that would supposedly withdraw from Scotland in the event of independence, there were stories about how the EU would supposedly leave an independent Scotland out in the cold, and there were even stories about how an independent Scotland might be more vulnerable to threats from outer space!  All of those left the Yes campaign hopelessly on the back foot.  At some point the BBC were going to have to put the United Kingdom in the dock in a similar way.  Fortunately they did their job - a bit late in the day, it has to be said, but better late than never."

However, the Orange Order's Colin Brown took issue with the idea that the BBC should even have been striving for balance in the first place.  "You can't be 'balanced' on the existence of the country you serve. If you call yourself a British public broadcaster, you can't be neutral on whether Britain even has a future.  You have to pick a side - and there's only one side you can pick if you don't want to be regarded as traitors." 

The BBC Scotland journalist reacted dismissively to that suggestion.  "At the end of the day, it doesn't matter if the word 'British' is in our name.  It doesn't matter what it says in the BBC Charter.  Above all else, what audiences have always expected from the BBC - especially during democratic elections and referendums - is fairness.  If there's any conflict between fairness and 'backing Britain', they expect us to choose fairness without a second thought.  I'm proud to say that's exactly what we did."

And out on the streets of the Scottish capital, there were plenty of signs that the BBC's controversial coverage had restored the faith of many backers of separation.  37 year old Stacy Brodie, who voted Yes yesterday, spoke for many when she said: "I'm gutted that we won't be getting our independence, but the BBC totally gave the Yes campaign a fair crack of the whip over the last couple of weeks.  I grew up loving BBC programmes, and it would have broken my heart if they'd betrayed me and their other Scottish viewers by pumping out nothing but Unionist scare stories, but I should never have doubted them, they've been completely even-handed.  You know, they've actually shown there's no contradiction between being the British Broadcasting Corporation and covering Scottish politics fairly.  I'll be happy to keep on paying the licence fee in future years - no problem at all."

Friday, January 21, 2022

First independence poll of 2022 sees Yes draw level in a Savanta ComRes survey for first time since April: does #Partygate mean #PartyOver for #OurPreciousUnion?

The final independence poll of last year - which was also the first since the ongoing story of the Downing Street parties broke - presented us with an enigma. It showed Yes on 50%, which was higher than in any online poll for months, but it was also conducted by a firm (Opinium) that had been tending to show markedly better results for Yes than other firms.  So was 50% just an Opinium house effect, or was it the first indication that #Partygate was having an impact on the constitutional state of play?  Today's first poll of 2022 gives some support to the latter interpretation, because it shows Yes on 50% - and this time it was conducted by a firm that has been particularly favourable for No over the last year or so.

Savanta ComRes poll, 14th-18th January 2021:

Should Scotland be an independent country?

Yes 50% (+2)
No 50% (-2)

The last time a Savanta ComRes poll showed Yes in the 50s was way back in April, just before the Holyrood election, and the poll in question also showed a 50-50 tie.  There have been six polls from the firm in the interim, all showing a No lead, and all but one showing No on 52% or higher.  Today's poll, therefore, does have the appearance of a breakthrough for Yes.

Also important psychologically is that, across all polling firms, we've now had three polls in a row showing Yes on 50% or higher.  So, at least for the time being, it's very hard for the mainstream media to maintain the narrative that No is generally in the lead.  Or very hard for them to do that honestly, at any rate.

There are also Holyrood voting intention numbers from the poll - 

Scottish Parliament constituency ballot voting intentions:

SNP 47% (-1)
Labour 22% (-)
Conservatives 19% (-1)
Liberal Democrats 8% (+1)

Scottish Parliament regional list ballot voting intentions:

SNP 38% (-)
Labour 20% (-)
Conservatives 18% (-4)
Greens 12% (+1)
Liberal Democrats 9% (+2)
Alba 2% (+1)

Given the trajectory of recent GB-wide polls, it might have seemed inevitable that Labour would have built upon their second place in the last ComRes poll, but in fact their own vote share has remained static and the Tories have only dropped one point.  The Tory decline is much more pronounced on the list ballot, but again Labour have not picked up any support.

The Greens' vote of 12% looks very healthy, although actually that's very much within their normal range in Savanta ComRes polls - they climbed to as high as 13% in September.  The Lib Dem vote is unusually high, though - time will tell whether that's just a freakish result caused by sampling variation, or whether it's a genuine boost caused by their recent by-election success in England.  (For what it's worth, my guess is the latter.)

Also noteworthy is that Alba's list support has doubled from 1% to 2% - dealing a crushing blow to those harbouring misplaced hopes that the new party was somehow on its way out.

*  *  *

If you'd like to help this blog continue for another year, or to help us commission another full-scale poll like the six we've commissioned over the last two years, here are the various options for donating...

Via the Scot Goes Pop polling fundraiser for 2021-22, which I set up in the autumn and is part-funded.

If you prefer to donate directly, that can be done via Paypal or bank transfer:  

My Paypal email address is:  jkellysta@yahoo.co.uk

Or email me for my bank details.  (My contact email address is different from my Paypal address, and can be found in the sidebar of the desktop version of the site, or on my Twitter profile.)

Thursday, January 13, 2022

The day that the Scottish Tories finally saw themselves through the contemptuous eyes of their Westminster masters

The controversial journalist David Leask may be surprised to learn that I don't have an encyclopedic knowledge of Russian history. But one thing I do know is that Bloody Sunday in 1905 was the pivotal moment when the populace started to see Tsarism for what it truly was.  Until then they had believed that their suffering was the fault of the Tsar's ministers and staff, who kept the truth from him.  They honestly thought he loved his people so much that if he had known what was happening, he would have been deeply shocked and would have been bound to help.  But when they attempted to petition him directly, they found he held them in exactly the same contempt and quickly ordered guns to be turned on them.

I suspect that, on a smaller scale, a number of Scottish Tories have had an equivalent epiphany over the last 24 hours.  Until now, they've probably assumed that when the UK government sneer at the Scottish Government, the contempt is directed solely at the SNP and at Nicola Sturgeon - and that will always have seemed absolutely fine, because rank and file Scottish Tory members, and indeed Scottish Tory voters, wholeheartedly share that contempt.  But suddenly they've been confronted with evidence that the contempt of London Tories is for Scotland and Scots as a whole, and that Scottish Tories are most certainly not exempt from it.  At the first sign of the duly elected leader of the Scottish Conservative party asserting himself, the Westminster mask instantly slipped and Douglas Ross was derided as a lightweight, who cannot possibly be taken seriously because he was speaking in Elgin, not London but flipping Elgin, which is apparently not somewhere that serious people go to speak.  So much for the pretty fiction that our imperial masters regard all the Tory towns of north-east Scotland as of equal value within #OurPreciousUnion to the gleaming metropolis.

Jacob Rees-Mogg went on to say that, although he has no time for the elected leader of the Scottish branch of his own party, he does regard the appointed Alister Jack as a more substantial figure.  Now why would that be, I wonder?  Perhaps because Jack went to the right sort of school (Glenalmond College) and speaks with the right sort of accent?  Whereas Ross actually does come across as a common or garden Jock.  He went to a state school and then studied at the Scottish Agricultural College - can you imagine? How frightful.  

I can't see that attitude going down well with most Scottish Tories - because after all Ross speaks like they do and Jack doesn't.

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2021 was another epic year for Scot Goes Pop: we commissioned three full-scale opinion polls, and produced fourteen podcasts with well-known guests such as Alex Salmond, Chris McEleny and Yvonne Ridley.  If you'd like more of the same in 2022, donations are still very much welcome for the ongoing fundraiser.  Direct donations can be made via Paypal.  My Paypal email address is:  jkellysta@yahoo.co.uk

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Monday, January 10, 2022

"I will do everything within my power to do this" does not mean the same thing as "I will do this, this will be done"


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2021 was another epic year for Scot Goes Pop: we commissioned three full-scale opinion polls, and produced fourteen podcasts with well-known guests such as Alex Salmond, Chris McEleny and Yvonne Ridley.  If you'd like more of the same in 2022, donations are still very much welcome for the ongoing fundraiser.  Direct donations can be made via Paypal.  My Paypal email address is:  jkellysta@yahoo.co.uk

Or, if you prefer, you can donate via the GoFundMe fundraiser page, which can be found HERE.

Sunday, January 9, 2022

And a second New Year's Resolution for the Yes movement: let's make 2022 the year Scotland gains a genuinely balanced six-party system

Back in the days when Scotland had a clear-cut four party system, there was sometimes a debate over whether it was a good thing or a bad thing that there was only one pro-independence party, and three unionist parties.  And the answer was of course that it could be either good or bad, depending on context.  In a first-past-the-post election, it was a huge advantage, because it meant that the pro-independence vote was united and the unionist vote was heavily split.  That's something both the Greens and Alba will have to take into account if we go into the next Westminster election without an independence referendum having taken place.  Lots of pro-independence candidates in direct competition with each other in a crucial FPTP vote may or may not be in the best interests of individual political parties, but it's certainly not in the best interests of the independence cause.

However, in terms of how the broadcasters cover the independence debate, the SNP v three unionist parties set-up was always a massive negative.  It allowed the BBC and others to give the unionist perspective three times the coverage of the pro-independence perspective, and innocently present that as "balance", "neutrality" and "objectivity".  It also made the pro-independence side look isolated, and the unionist side look broadly-based.

With the arrival of Alba, we can now do something about that.  If the new kid on the block successfully beds in, Scotland will have a truly balanced six-party system: three in favour of independence and three against.  It won't be the end of rigged TV debates, but they'll become a lot harder to justify.

In a sense, the six-party system is already here.  Alba have more members than the Scottish Liberal Democrats, almost as many local councillors as the Scottish Greens, and more Westminster MPs than Scottish Labour.  The main omission is that they don't have any MSPs yet, but that's balanced out by the fact that the Scottish Greens don't have any MPs.  But the broadcasters won't fully reward Alba for that position of strength until there's clear evidence that it can be sustained via votes in the ballot box.

And that's where the local council elections, now just four months away, come in.  If Alba can win any seats at all, that would be the first example of people being elected under the Alba banner, and overnight the party will gain vital credibility.

My suggestion on New Year's Day of a resolution for the Yes movement was to hold the SNP-Green government to their promises on the timing of an indyref, and not to accept the goalposts being shifted yet again.  To that I'll add a second resolution: let's use the local elections to at last get ourselves a balanced party system in Scotland.  That doesn't necessarily mean giving Alba your first preference vote if they're not your first choice party.  The beauty of the STV voting system is that all you have to do is give Alba some kind of ranking, and make sure you rank them higher than all of the anti-independence parties.  With many well-known incumbent councillors intending to stand for Alba, there's every chance of a breakthrough, provided the Yes movement can move beyond destructively tribalistic voting behaviour.  I will of course also be urging Alba supporters to rank SNP and Green candidates.

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2021 was another epic year for Scot Goes Pop: we commissioned three full-scale opinion polls, and produced fourteen podcasts with well-known guests such as Alex Salmond, Chris McEleny and Yvonne Ridley.  If you'd like more of the same in 2022, donations are still very much welcome for the ongoing fundraiser.  Direct donations can be made via Paypal.  My Paypal email address is:  jkellysta@yahoo.co.uk

Or, if you prefer, you can donate via the GoFundMe fundraiser page, which can be found HERE.

Wednesday, January 5, 2022

A second memo to Chris Hanlon: "recalling" two parliaments that haven't existed since the early 18th Century is not a "relatively simple matter"

Chris Hanlon left a comment on my previous post about his support for a multi-option referendum featuring a Devo Max option.  I initially thought it was a spoof comment because it contained the line "DevoMinMax is the minimum devolution I can consent to", but I see from Mr Hanlon's opinion piece in The National that he does actually use the word "DevoMinMax", so it may well have genuinely been him.

In case you're wondering what the definition of "DevoMinMax" is, it would apparently consist of only three changes to the current set-up.  The Scottish Parliament would be made permanent, with Westminster stripped of the power to unilaterally abolish it.  The Sewel Convention would be enforced by statute, ensuring that Westminster can no longer legislate on devolved matters without Holyrood's express consent.  And the Scottish Parliament would unambiguously gain the power to hold an independence referendum at any time without requiring permission.

It's doubtful whether this is actually describing a system of devolution at all, because a parliament that can no longer be abolished or overruled has effectively become sovereign.  However, that's a point of pedantry, and in principle it would be perfectly possible to legally entrench Holyrood's existence in the way Mr Hanlon suggests - although that would involve restructuring the entire principle of unlimited Westminster parliamentary sovereignty.  But what does raise an eyebrow or two is Mr Hanlon's suggestion of how that restructuring would occur.

"That would probably involve amending the Acts of Union but that would be a relatively simple matter of recalling the Scottish and English parliaments solely to approve the pre-agreed changes."

Er, what English parliament? There isn't one.  There hasn't been one since April 1707.  So what Mr Hanlon appears to be suggesting is the recall of the English and Scottish Parliaments that existed prior to the Acts of Union more than three centuries ago.  Such an undertaking could be described in many ways, but I'm not convinced that a "relatively simple matter" is one of them.  There is no legal provision for recalling parliaments that no longer exist. Even if there were such a provision, all of the members of both parliaments are, not to put too fine a point on it, long since dead, and there is no viable way of replacing them with a new membership in line with the pre-democratic laws of the early 18th century.

Let's be frank: Mr Hanlon is not presenting us with a remotely serious proposition.

*  *  *

2021 was another epic year for Scot Goes Pop: we commissioned three full-scale opinion polls, and produced fourteen podcasts with well-known guests such as Alex Salmond, Chris McEleny and Yvonne Ridley.  If you'd like more of the same in 2022, donations are still very much welcome for the ongoing fundraiser.  Direct donations can be made via Paypal.  My Paypal email address is:  jkellysta@yahoo.co.uk

Or, if you prefer, you can donate via the GoFundMe fundraiser page, which can be found HERE.